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Monthly Archives: October 2020

FM Szijjártó: Tusk ‘Failed Both as a Party Leader and as a Person’

Foreign Minister Péter Szijjártó on Sunday slapped down European People’s Party leader Donald Tusk’s recent criticism of the state of Hungary’s democracy, saying that the EPP leader had “failed both as a party leader and as a person”.

In an interview with Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty earlier this week, Tusk said Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orbán’s goal to establish Hungary as an “illiberal democracy” had led to the creation of a “degenerate democracy” in the country. “To put it simply: democracy without the rule of law and freedom of speech, it’s not a democracy at all,” Tusk said, adding that the “same negative trends” can be seen in his native Poland.

Szijjártó in a Facebook post slammed Tusk’s remarks, saying that calling Hungary’s democracy “degenerate” called into question the achievements of the Hungarian people. “Up until thirty years ago, this nation had been fighting its entire history to live in freedom and democracy,” the minister said.

He said that as the head of the EPP Tusk had failed to ease the burden on Europeans during the pandemic. “Donald Tusk has provided no help in the procurement of a single ventilator or in saving a single job in Europe,” Szijjártó said.

“I understand that being forced out of Poland’s domestic political scene has been hard on Donald Tusk,” he said. “I also understand that his failure to get back in has been even harder. And I can also see how he would be frustrated by the close cooperation between the Polish and Hungarian governments, which is based on the centuries-long brotherhood between our nations.”

(26. 10. 2020 via hungarytoday.hu)

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Posted in European cooperation, Hungary from abroad - how others evaluate us |

Opinion: COVID-19 hits the Cabinet and German leaders shrug

The health minister tested positive for COVID-19 after meeting with colleagues. Officials implore Germans to stay home for their communities — but often fail to practice what they preach, writes DW’s Rosalia Romaniec.

When the news that Health Minister Jens Spahn had tested positive for the coronavirus was made public last week, many in Germany expected that half of Chancellor Angela Merkel’s Cabinet would have to isolate as well. In the morning on the day he tested positive, Spahn participated in a meeting of government ministers. There was certainly a vocal exchange — possibly loud at times — and maybe even some laughter. Not everyone present would have worn masks the entire time. And is a meeting like that even safe? It’s the federal government, after all.

There is a risk wherever people meet. And these are German leaders who are accompanied by security personnel and government staff to several meetings a day as part of their job governing a country of 83 million people.

Even more concerning is that nobody decided to isolate after hearing of Spahn’s positive test — not even as a precautionary measure. In the end, a single minister decided to have herself tested.

On the day Spahn’s infection was confirmed, his spokesperson said the health minister had had “no fever,” but that “cold symptoms” were present. Excuse me? Did Spahn go into the Cabinet meeting with cold symptoms? The reassuring answer came two days later: no — in the meeting, Spahn had just noticed a hoarse throat, but the cold symptoms didn’t come until later, which is why he decided to test that very day.

Precaution ‘whenever possible’
Merkel did not recommend that all who were present at the meeting be tested — but her spokesperson did clarify the hygiene policies of the chancellery and noted that the meeting had been held in a large open room with modern ventilation. That which is not wrong, is not automatically right, of course. Possible doubts could quickly have been clarified. A government that is urging Germans to follow strict measures could have offered a helpful display of caution.

Perhaps Merkel is tired of the pandemic. The otherwise-disciplined chancellor even allowed herself a small slipup last week. “Whenever possible,” Merkel said on her weekly podcast, “please stay home.” Shortly after, she was spotted shopping in Berlin — though with a mask.

Some people who see the otherwise-admonitory Merkel in line for the register might simply think it’s nifty to have caught the chancellor out shopping. Others might decide that the pandemic is not so dangerous, after all, if Merkel thinks shopping is still safe. It’s not an easy time for politicians, but they may be underestimating the value of setting an example.

Who’s the spreader?
Up until the beginning of summer, the only people wearing masks at the Reichstag, the seat of the German parliament, were the facility’s staff and journalists. Politicians walked the halls as if they were immune. For the first months of the pandemic, the Bundestag was its own universe. Masks have only been required in the Bundestag, the lower house of parliament, since October 6.

Which brings us back to Spahn. Last week, he met with several people. From whom he caught the coronavirus could not be traced. It seems odd that Berlin’s city-state health officials would say the matter is back under control. For a while, they have not been able to promptly inform people who need to isolate. In fairness, several leading German politicians have self-isolated out of concern for the people around them, including Foreign Minister Heiko Maas, Economy Minister Peter Altmaier and President Frank-Walter Steinmeier.

On Twitter, Spahn told the people whom he had encountered during the period that he hopes they “stay healthy.” In April, he had offered a bit of foreshadowing when he said: “We are likely going to have to forgive each other for a lot.” He was so right.

(25. 10. 2020 via dw.com)

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Posted in European cooperation |

Donald Trump’s Last Stand

The President’s voice starts out a little raspy, but before long he’s in full roar. “We’re going to have a big victory, and that will be the end of it,” Donald Trump says. “Because you know what? One more defeat and they’re going to accept it.”

A murmur rises from the sweaty, jubilant crowd in this horse-breeding hub northwest of Orlando. Thousands are packed onto the airport tarmac in the blazing October sun. Nearly everyone is wearing a Trump shirt or hat–keep America Great, make liberals cry again, no more bullsh-t, adorable deplorable kid for Trump–and almost no one is wearing a face mask. They’re going to win Florida again, Trump says. There’s going to be a big red wave.

In the other version of reality, things are far less hopeful for Trump. Most polls say his opponent, Joe Biden, is ahead in Florida, a state without which it’s almost impossible for Trump to win, where more than 16,000 people have died of COVID-19 and nearly 4 million have already voted. The President is on the defensive in the battlegrounds he won four years ago, struggling even in states he should have locked up, like Ohio and Georgia. At a time when the nation’s problems are urgent and obvious, Trump’s closing message is an argle-bargle of conspiracy theories and personal grievance.

As the President rallies in Florida, Biden is in Michigan doing normal-candidate things: giving a pat speech on health care, holding a drive-in rally at a fairgrounds in Detroit and posing for (masked!) selfies with a youth choir. But what Biden is doing is almost beside the point. This election isn’t about Biden, and everyone, including Biden, knows it.

It’s about Trump: the ultimate referendum on this norm-shattering presidency, the climactic episode of our national nervous breakdown, the final reckoning. From the start, Biden has been calling his campaign a “battle for the soul of the nation,” and as trite and grandiose as that may sound, it’s hard to disagree. It is a campaign premised entirely on emotional contrast–compassion, trust, inclusion–and a plea for an ending, a do-over, a return to normal times. “Everybody knows who Donald Trump is,” Biden says in Michigan. “We have to let them know who we are.” But as Trump is fond of pointing out, if the old normal was so great, he wouldn’t have gotten elected in the first place.

An embattled Trump insisting the prognosticators are wrong, while chaos swirls and his opponent attempts to play by the old rules: in so many ways, it feels like 2016 all over again. Gloomy Republicans fret that Trump is dragging the party down with him. One Republican Senator recently called the President a “TV-obsessed narcissistic individual,” while another isn’t supporting his Supreme Court nominee; Trump, of course, lashed out at both of them on Twitter. The campaign pros wish he would listen to them and behave, rather than, say, pursuing a vendetta against Dr. Anthony Fauci, the scientist held in far higher public regard, or hyping dubious reports about Hunter Biden’s work in Ukraine, which some experts suspect may be Russian disinformation. Trump needs to “stop whining about people picking on him or trying to steal the election,” says Republican strategist Charlie Black. “What he’s got to do is talk about the economy, talk about packing the Supreme Court, and little else.” Trump’s own aides privately admit that his touring schedule is as much about keeping the President busy and emotionally satisfied as it is an actual political strategy.

So many things have happened, yet nothing ever seems to change. We have been through a lot since 2016: the shocks, the scandals, the protests and riots, the hundreds of thousands dead and millions out of work. The travel ban, Robert Mueller, kids in cages, covfefe and Sharpiegate, Stormy Daniels and Kim Jong Un, disinfectant injections, Kanye West, emoluments, impeachment. Very fine people on both sides. A debate where the candidates and moderator spend the whole time yelling at each other and then one winds up in the hospital. The past four years have been a political fever dream, a man-bites-dog story where no one can agree which side is the dog and which is the man. A large swath of the public has become convinced that Democrats are in league with a Satan-worshipping pedophilia cult, and Trump won’t say it’s not true, because that swath of the public loves him.

Everything has gone screwy, and anything could happen. This is the biggest difference from 2016: though all the data seem to point to a Trump loss, the pundits who were so certain four years ago now have a haunted air. To count Trump out is to tempt fate. And so we need this election not only to decide who will occupy the White House for the next four years but also to settle the great national argument that has consumed us since 2016. On Nov. 3 (or, hopefully, soon after), we will finally get an answer to the question of what these past four discombobulating years have meant–whether Trump was what America wanted or some kind of exceedingly consequential fluke. It is a decision not about what policy proposals to pursue but about what reality we collectively decide to inhabit.

One more defeat and they’re going to accept it. Everyone dreams of a victory so total it will discredit the opposition and drive them into exile. But it will not be so easy to knit this torn-up country back together, as the virus makes its winter surge and the institutions of democracy teeter. “They can get rid of Trump, but they can’t get rid of us,” Raymond Tedesco, a 58-year-old in sunglasses and a TRUMP 2020 hat, tells me in Ocala, where the medics are hauling away audience members as they faint from the heat and thousands of disposable masks are piled unused by the metal detectors. “We ain’t going nowhere. You can put that mental case Joe Biden in office, we’re just going to get madder and louder.” The people around him–a homeschool mom, a horse trainer, an African-American would-be TikTok influencer who owns a local gym–nod in agreement.

“These people are all wonderful, nice people. I’m not so nice,” Tedesco continues with a toothy grin. “They want to come for me, they better bring some body bags.” I ask what he does for a living, and he says, “I make trouble.” One way or another, this election will be over soon. And then who knows what fresh trouble may start.

On my flight to Minnesota for another Trump campaign rally, my seatmate gets into an argument over masks with a flight attendant. When I get to the rental-car counter, the otherwise normal-seeming clerk has a sticker on his phone that says Q: Trust the plan. 2020 is nothing if not on brand.

The corner of 38th and Chicago in Minneapolis is cool and still as the sun rises on a September morning. Jersey barriers keep traffic out of the intersection, and the lit marquee of the boarded-up Speedway gas station tells you where you are: George Floyd Square. The protesters are gone now, but the streets bear witness to the paroxysms of grief and rage Floyd’s killing unleashed. You are now entering the free state of George Floyd, says a sign. Respect one another. Two miles away, cranes are repairing the looted Target store; across the street, the former Third Precinct police station lies in ruins.

It’s four hours’ drive north to get to Trump’s rally in Bemidji, through flat green farmland dotted with pretty lakes and the occasional roadside political sign. Nestled between reservations, the town is “about one-third Native, one-third white and one-third hippie,” a local tells me. One afternoon at the beginning of June, a retired Lutheran pastor named Melody Kirkpatrick set up a lawn chair and a homemade social-justice poster by the side of a road and began to knit. The “knitters for justice” have met every day since; Kirkpatrick estimates about 75 people have joined her. “They think we’re here to knit, and I say, ‘No, that’s just to keep from strangling somebody,’” the cheerful, gray-haired 68-year-old says with a laugh. Her face mask says std–stop The Donald–don’t let the infection spread.

In the hours before the President’s plane lands, the Trump Shop, a converted trailer unaffiliated with the campaign, is doing brisk business selling buttons, key chains, flags, socks, caps, glasses, koozies, stickers, hoodies and the occasional face mask. Tractors flying massive Trump flags cruise up and down the town’s main artery, Paul Bunyan Drive. But Kirkpatrick has plenty of company too. Local Democrats and members of Indivisible Bemidji line the route with homemade signs like vote him out before he kills us all.

Rural Minnesota wasn’t always a hotbed of political activity, but Trump’s victory was born in places like this: the hollowed-out towns of the industrial Midwest, where his pugnacious affect and broadsides against trade deals and immigration galvanized legions of non-college-educated white people. Michigan, Wisconsin and Pennsylvania went Republican for the first time in decades. Minnesota came within 1.5 percentage points of flipping too.

Since 2016, many have analyzed the revolution after the fact. Trump has been hailed as the tribune of a working-class realignment and scorned as the demagogue of white-identity politics. Theorists like his former adviser Steve Bannon envisioned a tectonic electoral shift as a new politics of nationalism, isolationism and protectionism supplanted the GOP’s stale supply-side economic dogma.

But Trump engineered something else too: an awakening on the other side. Shell-shocked liberals, most of them women, poured into the streets and formed local clubs from Oakland to Oklahoma City. They rallied for many causes–racial justice, health care, immigrant rights, women’s rights–but the organizing principle was getting rid of Trump. There was indeed a realignment, but the number of working-class whites flocking to the GOP was dwarfed by a massive swing of college-educated white voters, suburbanites and women to the Democrats. Add in a surge of young voters, voters of color, independents and seniors, and Biden has “created a coalition that’s completely unique in Democratic politics for the last 20 years,” says John Anzalone, his lead campaign pollster.

For all the tortured explanations of 2016 and its aftermath, the political history of this era may be simple: most Americans didn’t want Trump to be President in the first place. A confluence of circumstances–the right opponent, Russian interference, James Comey’s letter, the Electoral College–put him in the White House. Trump was not a political theorist and applied no particular focus to movement-building beyond the roar of the crowd, the flattering of his ego. The millions who loved him gave him a feedback loop of affirmation and turned swaths of white rural America into Trump Country.

But the majority of Americans–particularly the half of the electorate who live in suburban areas–have taken to the polls over and over again since to express their displeasure, from local elections to the 2018 midterms. And Trump has done little to persuade them to change their minds. “Trump’s base is charged up. Energizing them isn’t the issue,” says Larry Jacobs, a political scientist at the University of Minnesota. The rural white voters he’s brought into the GOP fold, Jacobs says, are vastly outnumbered by the urban and suburban voters he’s driven to the Democrats, with the result that he’s likely to do worse in Minnesota than he did four years ago despite making it a top campaign target. “This is one of those years that the President is so unpopular, a referendum on him could be a wave all the way down the ballot.”

The Trump rally in Bemidji is America’s zillionth but this area’s first. Supporters cram into the small airport hangar to hear the President say that Democrats want to fill their state with third-world refugees like the liberal Minneapolis Congresswoman Ilhan Omar. He spends an extended digression praising the military skill of General Robert E. Lee, goes on for several minutes about Hillary Clinton’s emails and gleefully describes the “beautiful” sight of a reporter being hit with a projectile on live television. Later, health authorities will report that the rally in Bemidji was the source of nine COVID-19 cases, two requiring hospitalization.

With a steady lead down the homestretch, the Biden campaign is focused on avoiding mistakes. “If we learned anything from 2016, it’s that we cannot underestimate Donald Trump or his ability to claw his way back into contention in the final days,” Biden’s campaign manager, Jennifer O’Malley Dillon, wrote in an Oct. 17 memo to supporters. The front runner’s team, working from their houses and apartments and team-building over Zoom and Slack, is on high alert against complacency. “If you’re a Biden supporter, there’s no reason you should be feeling this bad,” says one Democratic consultant close to the Biden team who blames “2016 PTSD.”

In national polls, Biden is viewed far more favorably than Clinton was, has a larger national lead and does not face a substantial third-party vote that could erode his standing. State polls show the Democrat in a more comfortable position than Clinton ever truly enjoyed in Wisconsin and Michigan, though other key states, such as Florida and Pennsylvania, remain tight. A massive fundraising advantage has allowed Biden’s team to outspend Trump on television by almost a quarter-billion dollars in Florida, Pennsylvania, Michigan, North Carolina, Wisconsin and Arizona, and he has the airwaves almost to himself in Ohio and Iowa. Democrats also have a clear edge over Republicans when it comes to early ballot returns. Biden has opted to campaign lightly, content to keep voters focused on the incumbent.

If all goes as planned, Biden will look like a political genius for executing the most basic stratagems: run toward the middle, avoid distractions, let your opponent self-destruct. But then what? “Donald Trump is mortally afraid of being seen as a loser,” says Miles Taylor, a former Trump Administration appointee who’s now campaigning for Biden. “He’ll cast any loss as illegitimate to make himself feel better. And the enormous detriment will not be to Donald Trump–it will be to the country and our democratic institutions.”

Should he win, Biden will face a set of thorny challenges beyond the pandemic and attendant recession. His unwieldy coalition includes centrists and socialists, apostate Republicans and rank-and-file Democrats, COVID-nervous seniors and angry young voters of color. He has laid out an ambitious economic agenda that promises to “build back better,” spending trillions to expand health care, build new infrastructure and address climate change. Some liberal activists have turned their attention to pushing for procedural changes such as eliminating the Senate filibuster and adding seats to the Supreme Court, without which they say his agenda will be blocked; others argue this would represent an unacceptable escalation of Trump’s norm breaking.

“Our system has suffered greatly from the irregular order of Donald Trump, but Joe Biden knows how to get us back to normal,” says Taylor. If there’s anything Trump’s election should have taught us, though, it’s that normal was always an illusion. America was always a weirder, angrier, more divided place than its politicians ever seemed to recognize. There is no going back; the only way out is through.

(22. 10. 2020 via time.com)

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Posted in Transatlantic relations |

More US troops to be relocated to Poland?

More American troops could be transferred from Germany to Poland, US Defense Secretary Mark Esper has suggested.

The move would additionally bolster US forces stationed in Poland.

Speaking on Wednesday at the Atlantic Council think tank in Washington, Esper said: “There is now the real opportunity to look at putting the 2nd Cavalry Regiment, or parts of it at least, in Poland, further east, which is what they want. We think it makes sense.”

(22. 10. 2020 via thenews.pl)

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Posted in Transatlantic relations |

Polish president to attend Three Seas Initiative summit in Estonia

Polish President Andrzej Duda is on Monday expected to attend a summit of Three Seas Initiative countries in Tallinn, Estonia.

Due to the coronavirus pandemic, the 5th Summit of the Three Seas Initiative, a Polish-led regional drive by European countries between the Black, Baltic and Adriatic Seas, will mostly take place online.

Leaders from across Central and Eastern Europe as well as German President Frank-Walter Steinmeier and US Secretary of State Mike Pompeo are due to take part remotely.

The debates will be led by Estonian President Kersti Kaljulaid, and, apart from Poland’s Duda, only the Bulgarian head of state, Rumen Radev, will be physically present in Tallinn.

Margrethe Vestager, a deputy head of the European Commission, is scheduled to join the talks, according to Krzysztof Szczerski, chief of staff to the Polish president.

‘Euro-Atlantic unity’

In a statement for the press ahead of the summit, Szczerski underlined the importance of the meeting, saying that three conditions were crucial to defining the future of the Three Seas Initiative region: the course of the COVID-19 pandemic and its socioeconomic impact; decisions affecting “the future financial frameworks” of the European Union; and the outcome of the upcoming presidential election in the United States.

Szczerski said that “the Three Seas states should be unanimous in their reactions, with a focus on Euro-Atlantic unity.”

The Polish presidential minister also told the media that Monday’s meeting would be an opportunity to sum up the achievements of the regional drive, such as the setting up of the Three Seas Initiative Investment Fund and the launch of a joint business forum and a business council by the member states.

The Polish-led Three Seas Initiative aims to boost infrastructure, energy and business ties among 12 countries between the Black, Baltic and Adriatic Seas.

The initiative brings together Poland, Austria, Bulgaria, Croatia, the Czech Republic, Estonia, Hungary, Latvia, Lithuania, Romania, Slovakia and Slovenia.

The initiative’s key partners are Germany, the European Union and the United States.

Polish, US to sign nuclear energy deal

During the summit, Poland’s Secretary of State for Strategic Energy Infrastructure Piotr Naimski is scheduled to hold talks with US Energy Secretary Dan Brouillette.

The talks are expected to culminate in the signing of an intergovernmental deal between the two countries to work together in developing nuclear energy and a civil nuclear power industry in Poland.

Under the document, within 18 months, Poland and the United States will aim to come up with a joint report on the basis of which the Polish government will make a final choice of partner to carry out a programme to develop nuclear energy in the country.

Bilateral talks on the sidelines

While in Tallinn, the Polish president is scheduled to hold separate meetings with his Estonian counterpart Kersti Kaljulaid and the country’s Prime Minister Juri Ratas to discuss bilateral relations and economic ties as well as security in the Baltic region amid tensions in nearby Belarus.

(19. 10. 2020 via thenews.pl)

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Posted in European cooperation |

French authorities detain 11 in connection with teacher’s beheading

Detained include parents of students who complained about teacher’s use of caricatures of the Prophet.

French law enforcement officials have detained 11 people in connection with the beheading on Friday evening of a schoolteacher who had shown caricatures of the Prophet Muhammad in his class, French media reported.

Police shot and killed the murder suspect, who was not named, but was described by the authorities as an 18-year-old man of Chechen origin, who was born in Moscow.

The victim of the gruesome crime, in Conflans-Saint-Honorine, about 30 kilometers outside of Paris, was identified as Samuel Paty, a 47-year-old history and geography teacher at a middle school, who also taught a course in morality and civics.

The 11 detained individuals include relatives of the attacker, including one minor, as well as parents of students who attend the middle school where the victim taught. The parents had complained about Paty’s use of caricatures of the Prophet, which were shown in class as part of a discussion about freedom of expression. The teacher had reportedly offered students the option of leaving the classroom if they were offended by the images.

One parent filed a criminal complaint against Paty, France’s anti-terrorism public prosecutor, Jean-François Ricard, said in a press conference Saturday. The teacher filed a complaint of defamation in response.

The parent also criticized Paty in a video posted to social media that included a call for “mobilization” against the teacher, according to Ricard.

Investigators found a text claiming responsibility for the attack and a photograph of the dead victim on the assailant’s phone, Ricard said, adding that the man was “unknown to intelligence services.”

Police are also investigating a tweet by the account @Tchetchene_270, which has since been suspended, that included a photograph of the victim’s severed head along with a message to French President Emmanuel Macron: “To Macron, the leader of the infidels, I executed one of your hellhounds who dared to belittle Muhammad, calm his fellow human beings before a harsh punishment is inflicted on you.”

Macron, who visited the scene of the attack on Friday, called the killing an “Islamist terrorist attack” and described France as being in an “existential” fight against terror.

European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen also condemned the murder. She described herself as “horrified” and issued a statement in solidarity with educators. “Without them, there are no citizens,” she wrote on Twitter. “Without them, there is no democracy.”

On Sunday, French Finance Minister Bruno Le Maire told French media he would propose “reinforcing controls on the financial flows” of some Islamist organizations in response to the attack, adding that cryptocurrencies “pose a real problem in financing terrorism.”

Paty’s murder, he said, “will remain as a deep wound in the French nation.”

(2020. október 17. via politico.eu)

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Posted in European cooperation |

Cornstein: Big Difference between Obama and Trump Administrations in Treatment of Hungary

David B. Cornstein, the US Ambassador to Hungary, is concluding his service in the country effective November 1st. The outgoing American ambassador talked to leftist daily Népszava in an interview about American-Hungarian relations, his plans, his activities in Hungary, illiberalism, and also about how realistic it is for Trump to visit the country and when it could happen.

According to Ambassador Cornstein, there was a big difference between the way the Obama administration treated Hungary and the way the Trump government has. “My number one goal was to make contacts, because before that the relationship was almost hostile, which I didn’t agree with at all, and of course President Trump didn’t. We wanted to change that.” Cornstein said it worked out, and “the situation is so much better than when I got here.”

Even when he arrived, he stated that one of his main goals would be to keep Central European University (CEU) in Budapest. However, this failed, and the university eventually moved to Vienna. The ambassador said he felt terrible about the university’s decision. “For our part, we have tried to advance the agreement, but unfortunately we have not succeeded. As an ambassador, just like in business, one has goals and dreams, but one has to take into account that some of his dreams will then be regretted.”

Among other plans, he mentioned that there are still areas where he would like to see change, such as easing Hungary’s dependence on Russian energy sources. With the opening of the port on the island of Krk, liquefied natural gas (LNG) can start to arrive to Hungary, which could replace 10-15% of the volume received from Russia so far. Cornstein said he would also like the situation between Hungary and Ukraine to improve a bit so that they can work with NATO more easily.

Speaking about Russian-Hungarian and American-Hungarian relations, he said he believes that although Russia is geographically closer to Hungary and the country depends on Russian energy supplies, Hungarians know Russia well and they know who the Russian’s allies are. In the same way, they also know that the United States is an old friend and an ally of Hungary in NATO.

There is no need for America to tell the Hungarians who the Russians are. They still remember well what it was like here under communism.
According to the ambassador, Hungarians are more inclined to turn to the West.

Cornstein said that the next ambassador to Budapest will be nominated by the winner of the election and must be approved by the senate before coming to Budapest, so there is no nominee yet. However, he would tell the person that the situation is much better now than when he got here. The ambassador said that the defense cooperation between the two countries is good, and “we are acting together in the United Nations, in the Middle East, in support of Israel.” He added that when he handed over his resignation letter to President Trump in the Oval Office of the White House, the president said during the conversation, “Let’s call Viktor! It turned out he was in his kitchen. Things like that don’t just happen among state leaders.”

Finally, the ambassador also talked about when President Trump could visit Hungary. If he is re-elected in the upcoming US election, Cornstein said he will “come to Hungary in his second term. He has told me many times that he loves the country, its people, and the government here, which is great for bilateral relations.”

(16. 10. 2020 via hungarytoday.hu)

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Posted in Hungary from abroad - how others evaluate us, Transatlantic relations |

Polish, German FMs discuss history, neighborly ties in Berlin

Historical issues were high on the agenda when the Polish and German foreign ministers held bilateral talks in Berlin on Thursday.

During a meeting with Germany’s Heiko Maas in Berlin, Polish Foreign Minister Zbigniew Rau voiced hope that the two countries would soon resolve the issue of commemorating Polish World War II victims in Germany, public broadcaster Polish Radio’s IAR news agency reported.

The two top diplomats also talked about ideas to promote Polish language teaching in Germany, the Polish foreign ministry said.

It added that the main focus of the talks was “on a range of topics on the current bilateral, European and international agenda.”

The Polish foreign ministry noted that Rau visited Berlin directly after holding trilateral talks earlier in the day in Paris with the German and French foreign ministers as part of what is known as the Weimar Triangle group.

(16. 10. 2020 via thenews.pl)

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Posted in European cooperation |

Polish, Ukrainian presidents to sign joint declaration on bilateral relations

The presidents of Poland and Ukraine are on Monday to sign a joint declaration which outlines the two neighbours’ goals in bilateral relations, the chief of staff to the Polish head of state has said.

The document is to be inked after talks between Poland’s Andrzej Duda, who is on a three-day visit to Ukraine, and his counterpart Volodymyr Zelensky.

Krzysztof Szczerski, chief of staff to Duda, said: “The presidents will adopt a very important political declaration which summarizes and reviews all the most important aspects in bilateral relations, both in terms of security, the economic situation, and also the situation of national minorities in both countries, and historical issues.”

Szczerski added that the declaration would be an “extremely important document that comprehensively outlines the strategy and goals of our joint Polish-Ukrainian policy and Polish-Ukrainian relations in various areas for the coming years.”

Szczerski told reporters that Monday would also see Polish state-run oil and gas giant PGNiG signing a deal that will give it the right to take part in the privatization of the energy sector in Ukraine.

“We want to invest in Ukraine,” Szczerski said. “Thanks to this agreement, the way will be open for PGNiG to negotiate the possibility of entering the process of the privatization of the energy sector in Ukraine.”

During his visit to Ukraine, Poland’s Duda is also set to hold talks with Prime Minister Denys Shmygal and Parliamentary Speaker Dmytro Razumkov.

Duda started his trip to Ukraine on Sunday with a ceremony in a Polish military cemetery at Bykivnya in the capital Kiev to commemorate the 80th anniversary of the Katyn Massacre of Polish officers and intellectuals by the Soviets during World War II.

(12. 10. 2020 via thenews.pl)

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Posted in European cooperation |

Putin and Schröder: A special German-Russian friendship under attack

Russian opposition leader Alexei Navalny has described the former German chancellor as an “errand boy” who is “paid” by the Russian president. DW takes a look at the two men’s close and enduring relationship.

The close friendship between Russian President Vladimir Putin and former German Chancellor Schröder, often described as a “bromance,” is seen by many critics as providing a vindication for Putin’s increasingly autocratic control over Russian politics.

The friendship goes back a long way. Many in Germany still remember a 2004 interview in which Schröder was asked whether Putin was a “flawless democrat,” to which the former chancellor responded: “Yes, I’m convinced that he is.” His answer was, of course, dynamite.

Back in March 2004, the “flawless democrat” had just won 71% of the vote in Russia’s presidential election, taken control of most key state institutions, made it more difficult to set up new political parties and clamped down on the activities of non-governmental organizations.

But it is clearly a different Putin that Schröder has in mind: the Vladimir Putin with whom he shares an intimate friendship. The Vladimir Putin who takes him on a Christmas sleigh ride in Moscow. And the Vladimir Putin who visited Schröder’s home in Hanover to celebrate his 60th birthday.

Buddies with a shared blind spot
As early as 2004, Schröder was willing to leap to Putin’s defense and, in essence, that is the way it has stayed.

But why is the former German chancellor so willing to side with an autocrat? Gernot Erler — Russia expert and, like Schröder, a member of Germany’s center-left Social Democrats (SPD) — believes he has the answer to that question.

“We will never hear any criticism of Putin’s actions coming from Gerhard Schröder,” he said. “And that is precisely because of their long-lasting friendship. For Schröder this means that no matter what the facts are: they stand by each other at all cost.”

In 2005, then-Chancellor Gerhard Schröder and his SPD party lost a snap election by a narrow margin. He gave up his seat in parliament and announced that his political career was over.

At Putin’s request, Schröder was swiftly appointed chairman of the offshore natural gas pipeline Nord Stream. Less than a month after leaving the chancellery, he had allowed the Russian president to convince him of the “European dimension of the project.”

European dimension? Poland and the Baltic republics have vehemently criticized Schröder’s backing for Nord Stream. And in Germany, too, there have been loud rumblings. Schröder’s political opponents were quick to label him a “shameless turncoat” and his new post “indecent.” After all, he had given massive backing to the pipeline project while he was, so very recently, still in office.

Partying in St. Petersburg, war in Ukraine
In 2014, Schröder celebrated his 70th birthday in style: in St. Petersburg — at the invitation of Nord Stream. He greeted his special guest, Putin, with a big hug and described him as an extremely reliable friend with whom he had developed a relationship based on mutual trust. “Call it a friendship,” Schröder said. But, he insisted, the two friends did not “talk politics.”

At that time Russia had just recently violated international law by annexing the Black Sea peninsula of Crimea that officially belonged to Ukraine. And in the east of Ukraine, a civil war had just broken outbetween Ukrainian forces and pro-Russian separatists.

Extravagant birthday celebrations were underway in St. Petersburg while, just a thousand kilometers to the south, there was war. For many in Berlin, this amounted to an unacceptable provocation.

Schröder’s seemingly “uncritical” friendship with Putin regularly makes news in Germany. In 2016, Schröder pointed to history for an explanation of the profound relationship. “Both of our families suffered terribly during World War II. I lost my father. Putin’s brother died during the German siege of Leningrad,” said Schröder. “And,” he continued, Putin had “kept every promise that he has made, as I have, too.”

Schröder goes on the offensive
A year later, in 2017, the Russian government proposed Schröder as chairman of the board of directors at Rosneft. This was shocking for many observers, given that the state-owned oil giant was on the European Union’s sanction list for its involvement in the annexation of Crimea.

“It’s my life and it’s me who decides what to do with it, and not the German press,” Schröder said defiantly in his defense.

In the same year, in the middle of a general election campaign in Germany, Schröder went out of his way to criticize the stationing of German Bundeswehr forces in Lithuania, close to the Russian border. “That sends completely the wrong signal,” said the former chancellor. Germany’s NATO allies were outraged.

In an interview with Die Zeit newspaper, Schröder then applauded the Russian leader for his “rational behavior,” and added, “Compared with the US president, we should be glad to have Putin.”

Two years later, Schröder was again celebrating his birthday — this time his 75th. And Putin took the occasion to praise the former chancellor’s “high level of international authority and his central personal role in promoting German-Russian relations.”

Schröder is still clearly determined to defend these relations. And in his interview podcast at the end of September, he insisted there were “no proven facts” that Russia was behind the recent poisoning of opposition activist Alexei Navalny —although Germany’s military laboratory had announced that thesamples taken from his blood confirmed the presence of a nerve agent from the banned Novichok family.

When Navalny then called Schröder Putin’s “errand boy,” Schröder announced he would sue Bild, the paper that published the interview, for libel.

Navalny also said he was in no doubt that Putin has been making secret cash payments to Schröder, but was quick to admit not having any proof for the allegation.

Schröder’s behavior ‘damaging Germany’s interests’
Speaking with DW, Alexander Graf Lambsdorff of Germany’s opposition Free Democrats said Schröder’s behavior was “damaging Germany’s interests.”

“Even if Schröder’s involvement in Russia is legal,” he added, “it is certainly not worthy of a former German head of government.”

“Companies like Gazprom and Rosneft aren’t private businesses. They belong to the Russian state, which uses its energy policies as a weapon to intimidate its European neighbors,” he said.

There are many in Germany who would like to see closer and more constructive ties between Berlin and Moscow. But across the political spectrum, Schröder’s dealings with the former spy in the Kremlin are seen as counterproductive.

(9. 10. 2020 via dw.com)

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